Everything about Director Of Central Intelligence totally explained
The Office of
United States Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) was established by
U.S. President Harry Truman on
January 23 1946 with Admiral
Sidney Souers occupying the position. The DCI was coordinating intelligence activities among and between the various United States intelligence agencies, also called the American
Intelligence Community.
Until April 2005, the DCI also served as de-facto
Director of the Central Intelligence Agency and was often referred to colloquially as the "CIA Director." After the
September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States and the subsequent investigation by the
9/11 Commission, a movement grew to re-organize the Intelligence Community. That movement prompted the creation, on
April 21,
2005, of the Office of the
Director of National Intelligence (DNI), in whose purview was the job portfolio that had been performed previously by the Director of Central Intelligence. The latter position then ceased to exist.
Porter J. Goss was the 19th and final CIA Director to serve in the position of DCI.
List of Directors of Central Intelligence (in chronological order)
| Director |
Tenure |
| RADM Sidney Souers, USNR |
January 23 1946–June 10 1946 |
| LTG Hoyt S. Vandenberg, USA |
June 10 1946–May 1 1947 |
| RADM Roscoe H. Hillenkoetter, USN |
May 1 1947–October 7, 1950 |
| GEN Walter Bedell Smith, USA |
October 7 1950–February 9 1953 |
| Allen W. Dulles |
February 26, 1953–November 29, 1961 |
| John McCone |
November 29 1961–April 28 1965 |
| VADM William Raborn, USN (Ret.) |
April 28 1965–June 30 1966 |
| Richard M. Helms |
June 30 1966–February 2 1973 |
| James R. Schlesinger |
February 2, 1973–July 2 1973 |
| William E. Colby |
September 4 1973–January 30 1976 |
| George H. W. Bush |
January 30 1976–January 20 1977 |
| ADM Stansfield Turner, USN (Ret.) |
March 9 1977–January 20 1981 |
| William J. Casey |
January 28 1981–January 29 1987 |
| William H. Webster |
May 26 1987–August 31 1991 |
| Robert M. Gates |
November 6 1991–January 20 1993 |
| R. James Woolsey |
February 5 1993–January 10 1995 |
| John M. Deutch |
May 10 1995–December 15 1996 |
| George J. Tenet |
July 11 1997–July 11, 2004 |
| Porter J. Goss |
September 24, 2004–April 21, 2005 |
| Position replaced by Director of the Central Intelligence Agency and Director of National Intelligence. |
Directors' Management Styles and Effect on Operations
Rear Admiral
Roscoe H. Hillenkoetter was appointed as the first
Director of Central Intelligence (for example, full Director of Central Intelligence). During his tenure, a National Security Council Directive on Office of Special Projects,
June 18,
1948 (NSC 10/2) further gave the CIA the authority to carry out covert operations "against hostile foreign states or groups or in support of friendly foreign states or groups but which are so planned and conducted that any US Government responsibility for them isn't evident to unauthorized persons." Those operations, however, were initially conducted by other agencies such as the
Office of Policy Coordination. See
Approval of Clandestine and Covert Operations and
Clandestine HUMINT and Covert Action for details of the eventual merger of these operations with the CIA, as well as how the equivalent functions were done in other countries.
During the first years of its existence, other branches of government didn't exercise much control over the Central Intelligence Agency; justified by the desire to match and defeat
Soviet actions throughout the globe, a task many believed could be accomplished only through an approach similar to the Soviet intelligence agencies, under names including NKVD, MVD, NKGB, MGB, MVD, and KGB. Those Soviet organizations also had domestic responsibilities.
The rapid expansion of the CIA, and a developed sense of independence under the Director of Central Intelligence (DCI)
Allen Dulles added to US intelligence not having a great deal of independent review. After the
Bay of Pigs in 1961, President
John F. Kennedy exercised greater supervision, although the agency stepped up its activity in Southeast Asia under
Lyndon B. Johnson, replacing Dulles, an OSS veteran, with a Republican with a general engineering background. Dulles' autobiography, is more noteworthy as a way of understanding the mindset of key people in the field than it's a detailed description of the CIA.
McCone, despite a lack of intelligence background, is often considered one of the most competent DCIs and excellent managers. He directed the IC during the
Cuban Missile Crisis. McCone resigned from his position of DCI in April 1965, believing himself to be unappreciated by President Johnson. Upon his resignation, McCone submitted a final policy memorandum to Johnson arguing that Johnson's expansion of the war in Vietnam would arouse national and world discontent over the war before it brought down the North Vietnamese regime.
Raborn, a distinguished naval officer who directed the creation of ballistic missile submarines, had a short and unhappy tenure as DCI. His background included no foreign relations experience, and intelligence only as it pertained to naval operations. the CIA's own historians said "Raborn didn't 'take' to the DCI job". Raborn resigned on
June 30,
1966, having served for only fourteen months as DCI; he was replaced by his deputy
Richard Helms
Helms was an OSS and CIA veteran, and the first DCI to have served at a lower level in the CIA. Helms became Director of the OSO after the CIA's disastrous role in the attempted
invasion of Cuba in 1961. After falling out with the
Kennedys, he was sent off to
Vietnam where he oversaw the coup to overthrow President
Ngo Dinh Diem. Following the
assassination of John F. Kennedy, Helms was made Deputy Director of the CIA under Admiral
William Raborn. A year later, in 1966, he was appointed Director.
In the early 1970s, partially as a result of the
Watergate break-ins under President
Richard M. Nixon, the
United States Congress took a more active role in intelligence agencies, as did independent commissions such as the 1975
United States President's Commission on CIA activities within the United States, also called the Rockefeller Commission after its chairman. Revelations about past CIA activities, such as assassinations and attempted assassinations of foreign leaders, illegal domestic spying on U.S. citizens, drew considerable Congressional oversight that hadn't been previousy exercised. It was determined, by several investigating committees, that the CIA had given inappropriate assistance to persons affiliated with the White House and the 1972 Nixon reelection campaign. Certain of the individuals involved in the Watergate breakins had worked, in the past, for the CIA. In an audio tape provoking President Nixon's resignation, Nixon ordered his chief of staff,
H.R. Haldeman, to tell the CIA that further investigation of Watergate would "open the whole can of worms" about the
Bay Of Pigs of Cuba, and, therefore, that the CIA should tell the FBI to cease investigating the Watergate burglary, due to reasons of "national security".
The ease of Helms's role under President
Lyndon Johnson changed with the arrival of President
Richard Nixon and Nixon's
national security advisor Henry Kissinger. After the debacle of Watergate, from which Helms succeeded in distancing the CIA as far as possible, the Agency came under much tighter Congressional control. Nixon, however, considered Helms to be disloyal, and fired him as DCI in 1973. Helms was the only DCI convicted for irregularities in office; his autobiography describes his reactions to the charges
Schesinger's short tenure was due to his being appointed
Secretary of Defense. On 2 February 1973 he became Director of Central Intelligence, after Richard Helms, the previous director, had been fired for his refusal to block the Watergate investigation. Schlesinger's first words upon becoming DCI were, reportedly, "I'm here to make sure you don't screw Richard Nixon." Although his CIA service was short, barely six months, it was stormy as he again undertook comprehensive organizational and personnel changes. He became so unpopular at CIA Headquarters in Langley, Virginia that a security camera had to be installed opposite his official portrait because of fears that it would be vandalized. By this time he'd a reputation as a tough, forthright, and outspoken administrator.
He commissioned reports — known as the "
Family Jewels" — on illegal activities by the Agency.
Colby was another intelligence professional who was promoted to the top job. His autobiography was entitled "Honorable Men", and he believed that a nation had to believe such people made up its intelligence service. In December 1974, Investigative journalist
Seymour Hersh broke the news of the "Family Jewels" in a front-page article in
The New York Times, revealing that the CIA had assassinated foreign leaders, and had conducted surveillance on some seven thousand American citizens involved in the antiwar movement (
Operation CHAOS).
Congress responded to the "Family Jewels" in 1975, investigating the CIA in the Senate via the
Church Committee, chaired by Senator
Frank Church (D-Idaho), and in the House of Representatives via the
Pike Committee, chaired by Congressman
Otis Pike (D-NY). President
Gerald Ford created the aforementioned
Rockefeller Commission, and issued an
Executive Order prohibiting the assassination of foreign leaders.
Colby's tenure as DCI congressional investigations into alleged U.S. intelligence malfeasance over the preceding twenty-five years. Colby cooperated, not out of a desire for major reforms, but in the belief that the actual scope of such misdeeds wasn't great enough to cause lasting damage to the CIA's reputation. He believed that cooperating with Congress was the only way to save the Agency from dissolution. Colby also believed that the CIA had a moral obligation to cooperate with the Congress and demonstrate that the CIA was accountable to the Constitution. This caused a major rift within the CIA ranks, with many old-line officers such as former DCI Richard Helms believing that the CIA should have resisted congressional intrusion.
Colby's time as DCI was also eventful on the world stage. Shortly after he assumed leadership, the
Yom Kippur War broke out, an event that surprised not only the American intelligence agencies but also the Israelis. This intelligence surprise reportedly affected Colby's credibility with the Nixon Administration. Meanwhile, after many years of involvement, South Vietnam fell to Communist forces in April 1975, a particularly difficult blow for Colby, who had dedicated so much of his life and career to the American effort there. Events in the arms control field, Angola, the Middle East, and elsewhere also demanded attention.
William Colby's death, officially in a boating accident, happened on the same date when a New York prosecutor got permission to set up a grand jury to investigate the role of the CIA in the death of
Frank Olson who worked at
Fort Detrick, Maryland and was involved in chemical warfare research. Frank Olson was one of the experimental subjects in the CIA
MKULTRA experiments with
LSD and other drugs. He didn't give informed consent for the CIA to experiment on him, as would be ethically required under the medical research principles of the
Declaration of Helsinki. The CIA claimed that he committed suicide by jumping out of a hotel window but the family didn't believe this explanation. An autopsy of the remains of Frank Olson had found blunt force trauma to the head, which might have come from the fall, or been inflicted before the fall. The Olson matter remains unresolved and continues to arise in reviews of questionable activities.
Bush's confirmation as Director of Central Intelligence was opposed by many pundits and politicians still reeling from the Watergate scandal (when Bush was head of the
Republican National Committee, and a steadfast defender of Nixon) and the
Church Committee investigating whether CIA-ordered foreign assassinations were being directed towards domestic officials, including President Kennedy. Many arguments against Bush's initial confirmation were that he was too
partisan for the office.
The Washington Post,
George Will, and Senator
Frank Church were some notable figures opposed to Bush's nomination. After a pledge by Bush not to run for either president or vice president in 1976, opposition to his nomination died down.
Bush served in this role for 355 days, from
January 30,
1976 to
January 20,
1977. The CIA had been rocked by a series of revelations, including disclosures based on investigations by the Senate's
Church Committee, about the CIA's illegal and unauthorized activities, and Bush was credited with helping to restore the agency's morale. On February 18, 1976, President Ford issued Executive Order 11905, which established policy guidelines and restrictions for individual intelligence agencies, and clarified intelligence authorities and responsibilities. Bush was given 90 days to implement the new order, which called for a major reorganization of the Intelligence Community and firmly stated that intelligence activities couldn't be directed against U.S. citizens. In his capacity as DCI, Bush gave national security briefings to
Jimmy Carter both as a Presidential candidate and as President-elect, and discussed the possibility of remaining in that position in a Carter administration.
An Annapolis classmate of
Jimmy Carter, Turner enjoyed White House confidence, but his emphasis on technical collection methods such as
SIGINT and
IMINT, and his apparent dislike for, and firing of,
HUMINT specialists made him extremely unpopular. Under Turner's direction, the CIA emphasized
IMINT and
SIGINT more than
HUMINT. Turner eliminated over 800 operational positions in what was called the
'halloween massacre'. This organizational direction is notable because his successor
William Casey was seen to have a completely opposite approach, focusing much of his attention on HUMINT. Turner gave notable testimony to Congress revealing much of the extent of the
MKULTRA program, which the CIA ran from the early
1950s to late
1960s. Reform and simplification of the intelligence community's multilayered secrecy system was one of Turner's significant initiatives, but produced no results by the time he left office. He also wrote a book on his experience at CIA.
During Turner's term as head of the CIA, he became outraged when former agent
Frank Snepp published a book called
Decent Interval which exposed incompetence among senior American government personnel during the
fall of Saigon. accused Snepp of breaking the secrecy agreement required of all CIA agents, and then later was forced to admit under cross-examination that he'd never read the agreement signed by Snepp. Regardless, the CIA ultimately won its case against Snepp at the
U.S. Supreme Court. The Court forced Snepp to turn over all his profits from
Decent Interval and to seek preclearance of any future writings about intelligence work for the rest of his life. The ultimate irony was that the CIA would later rely on the
Snepp legal
precedent in forcing Turner to seek preclearance of his own memoirs, which were highly critical of President
Ronald Reagan's policies. Turner, who wasn't a
lawyer, didn't understand the concept of precedent, and didn't grasp the broader implications of pushing the
U.S. Department of Justice to take an aggressive stance against Snepp.
During his tenure at the CIA, Casey played a large part in the shaping of Reagan's
foreign policy, particularly its approach to
Soviet international activity. Based on a book,
The Terror Network, Casey believed that the Soviet Union was the source of most terrorist activity in the world, in spite of C.I.A. analysts providing evidence that this was in fact
black propaganda by the CIA itself. Casey obtained a report from a professor that agreed with his view, which convinced
Ronald Reagan that there was a threat.
Casey oversaw the re-expansion of the Intelligence Community, in particular the CIA, to funding and human resource levels greater than those before resource cuts during the
Carter Administration. During his tenure restrictions were lifted on the use of the CIA to directly, covertly influence the internal and foreign affairs of countries relevant to American policy.
This period of the
Cold War saw an increase of the Agency's anti-Soviet activities around the world. Notably he oversaw covert assistance to the
mujahadeen resistance in
Afghanistan, with a budget of over $1 billion by working closely with
Akhtar Abdur Rahman (the Director General of
ISI in
Pakistan), the
Solidarity movement in
Poland, and a number of coups and attempted coups in
South- and
Central America.
Casey was also the principal architect of the
arms-for-hostages deal that became known as the
Iran-Contra affair.
Hours before Casey was scheduled to testify before Congress about his knowledge of
Iran-Contra, he was reported to have been rendered incapable of speech, and was later hospitalized. In his
1987 book,
Washington Post reporter
Bob Woodward, who had interviewed Casey on numerous occasions, said that he'd gained entry to Casey's hospital room for a final, four-minute long encounter — a claim that was met with disbelief in many quarters, and adamant denial by Casey's wife, Sofia. According to Woodward, when he asked Casey if he knew about the diversion of funds to the
Nicaraguan Contras, "His head jerked up hard. He stared, and finally nodded yes."
Webster came from a legal background, including serving as a judge and the director of the
FBI. He was expected, with this background, to clean up legal irregularities at CIA. Repercussions from the
Iran-Contra arms smuggling scandal included the creation of the
Intelligence Authorization Act in 1991. It defined covert operations as secret missions in geopolitical areas where the U.S. is neither openly nor apparently engaged. This also required an authorizing chain of command, including an official, presidential finding report and the informing of the House and Senate Intelligence Committees, which, in emergencies, requires only "timely notification".
Gates was nominated (for the second time) for the position of Director of Central Intelligence by President
George H. W. Bush on
May 14 1991, confirmed by the Senate on
November 5, and sworn in on
November 6, becoming the only career officer in the CIA's history (as of 2005) to rise from entry-level employee to Director.
The final report of the Independent Counsel for Iran/Contra Matters, issued on August 4, 1993, said that Gates "was close to many figures who played significant roles in the Iran/contra affair and was in a position to have known of their activities. The evidence developed by Independent Counsel didn't warrant indictment..."
As Director of Central Intelligence, Woolsey is notable for having a very limited relationship with President Bill Clinton. According to journalist
Richard Miniter:
Never once in his two-year tenure did CIA director James Woolsey ever have a one-on-one meeting with Clinton. Even semiprivate meetings were rare. They only happened twice. Woolsey told me: "It wasn't that I'd a bad relationship with the president. It just didn't exist."
Another quote about his relationship with Clinton, according to Paula Kaufman of
Insight Magazine:
Remember the guy who in 1994 crashed his plane onto the White House lawn? That was me trying to get an appointment to see President Clinton.
David Halberstam notes in
War in a Time of Peace that Clinton chose Woolsey for CIA director because the Clinton campaign had courted neoconservatives leading up to the 1992 election, promising to be tougher on Taiwan, Bosnia, and human rights in China, and it was decided that they ought to give at least one neoconservative a job in the administration.
In 1995, President
Bill Clinton appointed him
Director of Central Intelligence (cabinet rank in the Clinton administration). However, Deutch was initially reluctant to accept the appointment. As head of the
CIA, Deutch continued the policy of his predecessor
R. James Woolsey to declassify records pertaining to U.S.
covert operations during the
Cold War. He put restraints on what he considered to be politically incorrect agent recruitment and sought to encourage more
diversity at the Agency in order to include more women and minorities in its ranks.
In 1996, the
U.S. House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence issued a congressional report estimating that: "Hundreds of employees on a daily basis are directed to break extremely serious laws in countries around the world in the face of frequently sophisticated efforts by foreign governments to catch them. A safe estimate is that several hundred times every day (easily 100,000 times a year) DO officers engage in highly illegal activities (according to foreign law) that not only risk political embarrassment to the US but also endanger the freedom if not lives of the participating foreign nationals and, more than occasionally, of the clandestine officer himself."
In the same document, the committee wrote, "Considering these facts and recent history, which has shown that the [Directorof the Central Intelligence Agency], whether he wants to or not, is held accountable for overseeing the [ClandestineService], the DCI must work closely with the Director of the CS and hold him fully and directly responsible to him." President Clinton pardoned Deutch on his last day in office.
Tenet was appointed
Deputy Director of Central Intelligence in July 1995. After
John Deutch's abrupt resignation in December
1996, Tenet served as acting director until he was officially appointed the position on
July 11,
1997, after a unanimous confirmation vote in the Senate. This was followed by the withdrawal of
Anthony Lake, whose nomination had been blocked by
Republicans in
Congress. While the Director of Central Intelligence has typically been replaced by an incoming administration ever since
Jimmy Carter replaced DCI
George H. W. Bush, Tenet served through the end of the
Clinton administration and well into the term of
George W. Bush.
Tenet embarked on a mission to regenerate the CIA, which had fallen on hard times since the end of the Cold War. The number of agents recruited each year had fallen to an all-time low, a 25-percent decline from the
Cold War peak. Tenet appealed to the original mission of the agency, which had been to "prevent another Pearl Harbor". The trick was to see where danger might come from in the post-Cold War world. Tenet focused on potential problems such as "the transformation of Russia and China", "rogue states" like North Korea, Iran and Iraq, and terrorism.
In
1999 Tenet put forward a grand
"Plan" for dealing with
al-Qaeda. This effort placed the CIA in a better position to respond after the
September 11, 2001 attacks. As Tenet put it in his book,
How could [anintelligence] community without a strategic plan tell the president of the United States just four days after 9/11 how to attack the Afghan sanctuary and operate against al-Qa'ida in ninety-two countries around the world?
On
September 15,
2001. Tenet presented the
Worldwide Attack Matrix, a blueprint for what became known as the
War On Terror. He proposed firstly to send CIA teams into Afghanistan to collect intelligence on, and mount covert operations against, al-Qaeda and the
Taliban. The teams would act jointly with military
Special Operations units. "President Bush later praised this proposal, saying it had been a turning point in his thinking."
After the
September 11 attacks, many observers criticized the
Intelligence Community for numerous "intelligence failures" as one of the major reasons why the attacks were not prevented. In August 2007, a secret report written by the
CIA inspector general was made public (originally written in 2005 but kept secret). The 19-page summary states that Tenet knew the dangers of Al Qaeda well before September 2001, but that the leadership of the CIA didn't do enough to prevent any attacks. Tenet reacted to the publication of this report by calling it "flat wrong".
Bob Woodward, in his book
Plan of Attack, wrote that Tenet privately lent his personal authority to the intelligence reports about
weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) in
Iraq. At a meeting on
December 12,
2002, he assured Bush that the evidence against
Saddam Hussein amounted to a "
slam dunk case." After several months of refusing to confirm this statement, Tenet later stated that this remark was taken out of context. (Tenet indicated that the comment was made pursuant to a discussion about how to convince the American people to support invading Iraq, and that, in his opinion, the best way to convince the people would be by explaining the dangers posed by Iraq's WMD for example, the public relations sale of the war via the WMD, according to Tenet, would be a "slam dunk"). The search following the
2003 invasion of Iraq by
U.S.,
British and international forces yielded no stockpiles of WMDs, however. Tenet and his Director of Operations resigned at approximately the same time, and it was suggested this was in penance over the WMD issue in Iraq.
In his junior year at Yale, Goss was recruited by the CIA. He spent much of the
1960s — roughly from
1960 until
1971 — working for the Directorate of Operations, the clandestine services of the CIA. There he first worked in Latin America and the
Caribbean and later in
Europe. The full details are not known due to the classified nature of the CIA, but Goss has said that he'd worked in
Haiti,
Santo Domingo, and
Mexico.Goss, who has said that he's recruited and trained foreign agents, worked in
Miami for much of the time. Goss was involved in the
Cuban Missile Crisis in
1962, telling the
Washington Post in
2002 that he'd done some "small-boat handling" and had "some very interesting moments in the
Florida Straits."
He served in Congress for 16 years until his appointment as Director of the CIA. While in the House, Goss consistently and emphatically defended the CIA and supported strong budget increases for the Agency, even during a time of tight budgets and
Clintonian slashes to other parts of the intelligence budgets. In mid-2004, Goss took a very strong position, during what had already been announced as his last congressional term, urging specific reforms and corrections in the way the CIA carried out its activities, lest it become "just another government bureaucracy."
After growing pressure, Congress established the
Joint Inquiry into Intelligence Community Activities before and after the Terrorist Attacks of September 11, 2001, a joint inquiry of the two intelligence committees, led by Graham and Goss. Goss and Graham made it clear that their goal wasn't to identify specific wrongdoing: Graham said the inquiry wouldn't play "the blame game about what went wrong from an intelligence perspective,", and Goss said, "This isn't a who-shall-we-hang type of investigation. It is about where are the gaps in America's defense and what do we do about it type of investigation."
The inquiry's final report was released in December 2002 and focused entirely on the CIA and
FBI's activities, including no information on the White House's activities.
Ray McGovern, a 27-year veteran of the CIA and a frequent commentator on intelligence issues, believed the report showed that Goss gave "clear priority to providing political protection for the president" when conducting the inquiry. Goss chiefly blamed President
Bill Clinton for the recent CIA failures. He confided in a reporter: "The one thing I lose sleep about is thinking what could I've done better, how could I've gotten more attention on this problem sooner." When asked whether he ever brought up his concerns with the administration, Goss claimed he'd met three times with Clinton to discuss "certain problems". The upshot? "He was patient and we'd an interesting conversation but it was quite clear he didn’t value the intelligence community to the degree President Bush does."
Goss was nominated to become the new director on
August 10,
2004. The appointment was challenged by some prominent
Democrats). Sen.
John D. Rockefeller IV (D-
WV), vice chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee, expressed concerns that Goss was too politically partisan, given his public remarks against Democrats while serving as chairman of the House Intelligence Committee. Another Democratic member of the committee,
Ron Wyden (D-
OR), expressed concerns that given Goss's history within and ties to the CIA, he'd be too disinclined to push for institutional change. In an interview carried out by
Michael Moore's production company on
March 3,
2004, Goss described himself as "probably not qualified" for a job within the CIA, because the language skills the Agency now seeks are not languages he speaks and because the people applying today for positions within the CIA's four directorates have such keen technical and analytic skills, which he didn't have when he applied to the Agency in the early 60s.
He brought with him five personal staff that were to implement change that became unpopular with CIA professionals. Steve Kappes — the Director of Operations — and his subordinates including
Michael Sulick, Kappes' then-deputy. Although Kappes came back to a responsible position, it has been reported that he quit the Agency rather than carry out a request by Goss to reassign Michael Sulick. Following Goss's departure, both Kappas and Sulick have returned to positions of higher authority in the U.S. Intelligence Community. Kappas is the Deputy Director of the CIA and Sulick was appointed Director of the National Clandestine Service on September 14, 2007.
Speculations on the reason for his departure include a desire to have military agency heads, or, perhaps more likely,
For many analysts, Goss' departure was inevitable, given the widespread perception that the White House had lost confidence in his ability to reorganise the CIA. Goss' departure appears to have been due, at least in part, to his repeated clashes with John Negroponte who was appointed in 2005 as the US Director of National Intelligence, a new post created to co-ordinate all 16 of the US intelligence agencies in the aftermath of the Al-Qaeda attacks.
A claim that the black sites existed was made by
The Washington Post in
November 2005 and before by
human rights NGOs.
US President George W. Bush acknowledged the existence of secret prisons operated by the
CIA during a speech on
September 6,
2006.
Michael Hayden is the current
Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, as distinct from the
Director of Central Intelligence. The overall responsibility for intelligence community coordination now rests with the
Director of National Intelligence, currently
John Michael McConnell; the position of Director of Central Intelligence has been abolished.
On
27 June 2007 the CIA released two collections of previously classified documents which outlined various activities of doubtful legality.
The first collection, the "
Family Jewels," consists of almost 700 pages of responses from CIA employees to a 1973 directive from Director of Central Intelligence
James Schlesinger requesting information about activities inconsistent with the Agency's charter.
The second collection, the
CAESAR-POLO-ESAU papers, consists of 147 documents and 11,000 pages of research from 1953 to 1973 relating to Soviet and Chinese leadership hierarchies, and Sino-Soviet relations.
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